Guido Stucco has an M.A. in Systematic Theology at Seaton Hall and a Ph.D. in Historical Theology at St. Louis University. He has translated five of Evola's books into English.

This article is a brief introduction to the life and central ideas of the controversial Italian thinker Julius Evola (1898-1974), one of the leading representatives of the European right and of the "Traditionalist movement" (1) in the XX century. This movement, together with the Theosophical Society, played a leading role in promoting the study of ancient eastern wisdom, esoteric doctrines, and spirituality. Unlike the Theosophical Society, which championed democratic and egalitarian views,(2) an optimistic view of progress, and a belief in spiritual evolution, the Traditionalist movement adopted an elitist and antiegalitarian stance, a pessimistic view of ordinary life and of history, and an uncompromising rejection of the modern world. The Traditionalist movement began with Rene Guenon (1886-1951), a French philosopher and mathematician who converted to Islam and moved to Cairo in 1931, following the death of his first wife. Guenon revived interest in the concept of Tradition, i.e., the teachings and doctrines of ancient civilizations and religions, emphasizing its perennial value over and against the "modern world" and its offshoots: humanistic individualism, relativism, materialism, and scientism.

Other important Traditionalists of the past century have included Ananda Coomaraswamy, Frithjof Schuon, and Julius Evola. This article is addressed, first, to persons who claim to be conservative and of rightist persuasion. It is my contention that Evola's political views can help the American right to acquire a greater intellectual relevance and to overcome its provincialism and narrow horizons. The criticism most frequently leveled by the European "New Right" against American conservatives is that the ideological poverty of the American Right lies in its circling its wagons around a conservative agenda, in its inability to see the greater scheme of things.(3) By disclosing to his readers the value and worth of the world of Tradition, Evola has shown that to be a rightist entails much more than taking a stance on civic and social issues, such as abortion, capital punishment, a strong military, free enterprise, less taxes, less government, fierce patriotism, and the right to bear arms, but rather assessing more crucial matters involving race, ethnicity, eugenics, immigration, and the nature of the nation-state.

Second, readers with an active interest in spiritual and metaphysical matters may find Evola's thought insightful and his exposition of ancient esoteric techniques very helpful. Moreover, his views, though at times very discriminatory, have the potential of becoming a catalyst for personal transformation and spiritual growth. To date, Evola's work has been subjected to the silent treatment. When Evola is not ignored, he is usually vilified by leftist scholars and intellectuals, who demonize him as a bad teacher, racist, rabid anti-Semite, master mind of right-wing terrorism, fascist guru, or so filthy a racist even to touch him would be repugnant. The writer Martin Lee, whose knowledge of Evola is of the most superficial sort, called him a "Nazi philosopher" and claimed that "Evola helped compose Italy's belated racialist laws toward the end of the Fascist rule.(4) Others have minimized his contribution altogether. Walter Laqueur, in his Fascism: Past, Present, Future, did not hesitate to call him a "learned charlatan, an eclecticist, not an innovator," and suggested "there were elements of pure nonsense also in his later work".(5) Umberto Eco sarcastically nicknamed Evola "Othelma, the Magician."

The most valuable summaries to date of Evola's life and work in the English language have been written by Thomas Sheehan and Richard Drake.(6) Until either a biography of Evola or his autobiography becomes available to the English-speaking world, these articles remain the best reference sources for his life and work. Both scholars are well versed in Italian culture, politics, and language. Although not sympathetic to Evola's ideas, they were the first to introduce the Italian thinker's views to the American public. Unfortunately, their interpretations of Evola's work are very reductive. Sheehan and Drake succumb to the dominant leftist propaganda according to which Evola is a "bad teacher" because he allegedly supplied ideological justification for a bloody campaign by right wing terrorists in Italy during the 1980s.(7) Regrettably, both authors have underestimated Evola's spissitudo spiritualis as an esotericist and a Traditionalist, and have written about Evola merely as a case study in their fields ofьcompetence, i.e., philosophy and history, respectively.(8) Despite his many detractors, Evola has enjoyed something of a evival in the past twenty years. His works have been translated into French, German,(9) Spanish, and English, as well as Portuguese, Hungarian, and Russian. Conferences devoted to the study of this or that aspect of Evola's thought are mushrooming everywhere in Europe.(10) Thus, paraphrasing the title of Edward Albee's play, we may want to ask: "Who's afraid of Julius Evola?" And, most important, why?

Evola's Life

Julius Evola died of heart failure at his Rome apartment on June 11, 1974, at the age of seventy-six. Before he died he asked to be seated at his desk in order to face the sun's light streaming through the open window. In accordance with his will, his body was cremated and the urn containing his ashes was buried in a crevasse on Monte Rosa, in the Italian Alps. Evola's writing career spanned more than half a century. It is possible to distinguish three periods in his intellectual development. First came an artistic period (1916-1922), during which he embraced dadaism and futurism, wrote poetry, and painted in the abstract style. The reader may recall that dadaism was an avantgarde movement founded by Tristan Tzara, characterized by a yearning for absolute freedom and by a revolt against all prevalent logical, ethical, and aesthetic canons.

Evola turned next to the study of philosophy (1923-1927), developing an ingenuous perspective that could be characterized as "transidealistic," or as a solipsistic development of mainstream idealism. After learning German in order to be able to read the original texts of the main idealist philosophers Schelling, Fichte, and Hegel), Evola accepted their chief premise, that being is the product of thought. Yet he also attempted to overcome the passivity of the subject toward "reality" typical of idealist philosophy and of its Italian offshoots, represented by Giovanni Gentile and Benedetto Croce, by outlining the path leading to the "Absolute Individual," to the status enjoyed by one who succeeds in becoming free (absolutus) from the conditionings of the empirical world. During this period Evola wrote Saggi sull'idealismo magico (Essays on magical idealism), Teoria dell'individuo assoluto (Theory of the absolute individual), and Fenomenologia dell'individuo assoluto (Phenomenology of the absolute individual), a massive work in which he employs the values of freedom, will, and power to expound his philosophy of action. As the Italian philosopher Marcello Veneziani wrote in his doctoral dissertation: "Evola's absolute I is born out of the ashes of nihilism; with the help of insights derived from magic, theurgy, alchemy and esotericism, it ascends to the highest peaks of knowledge, in the quest for that wisdom that is found on the paths of initiatory doctrines."(11) In the third and final phase of his intellectual formation, Evola became involved in the study of esotericism and occultism (1927-1929). During this period he cofounded and directed the so-called Ur group, which published monthly monographs devoted to the presentation of esoteric and initiative disciplines and teachings. "Ur" derives from the archaic root of the word "fire"; in German it also means "primordial" or "original." In 1955 these monographs were collected and published in three volumes under the title Introduzione alla magia quale scienza dell'Io.(12) In the over twenty articles Evola wrote for the Ur group, under the pseudonym "EA" (Ea in ancient Akkadian mythology was the god of water and wisdom) and in the nine articles he wrote for Bylichnis (the name signifies a lamp with two wicks), an Italian Baptist periodical, Evola laid out the spiritual foundations of his world view.

During the 1930s and 1940s Evola wrote for a number of journals and published several books. During the Fascist era he was somewhat sympathetic to Mussolini and to fascist ideology, but his fierce sense of independence and detachment from human affairs and institutions prevented him from becoming a card-carrying member of the Fascist party. Because of his belief in the supremacy of ideas over politics and his aristocratic and anti-populist views, which at times conflicted with government policy as in his opposition to the 1929 Concordat between the Italian state and Vatican and to the "demographic campaign" launched by Mussolini to increase Italy's population Evola fell out of favor with influential Fascists, who shut down La Torre (The tower), the biweekly periodical he had founded, after only ten issues (February-June 1930).(13)

Evola devoted four books to the subject of race, criticizing National Socialist biological racism and developing a doctrine of race on the basis of the teachings of Tradition: Il mito del sangue (The myth of blood); Sintesi di una dottrina della razza (Synthesis of a racial doctrine); Tre aspetti del problema ebraico (Three aspects of the Jewish question); Elementi di una educazione razziale (Elements of a racial education). In these books the author outlined his tripartite anthropology of body, soul, and spirit. The spirit is the principle that determines one's attitude toward the sacred, destiny, life and death. Thus, according to Evola, the cultivation of the "spiritual race" should take precedence over the selection of the somatic race, which is determined by the laws of genetics and with which the Nazis were obsessed. Evola's antimaterialistic and non-biological racial views won Mussolini's enthusiastic endorsement. The Nazis, for their part, were suspicious of and even critical of Evola's "nebulous" theories, accusing him of watering down the empirical, biological element to promote an abstract, spiritualist, and semi-Catholic view of race.

Before and during World War II, Evola traveled and lectured in several European countries, practicing mountain climbing as a spiritual exercise in his spare time. After Mussolini was freed from his Italian captors in a daring German raid led by SS-HauptsturmfЭhrer Otto Skorzeny, Evola was among a handful of faithful followers who met him at Hitler's headquarters in Rastenburg, East Prussia, on September 14, 1943. While sympathetic to the newly formed Fascist government in the north of Italy, which continued to fight on the Germans` side against the Allies, Evola rejected its republican and socialist agenda, its populist style, and its antimonarchical sentiments. When the Allies entered Rome in June 1944, their secret services attempted to arrest Evola, who was living there at the time. As his elderly mother stalled the MPs, Evola slipped out of the door undetected, and made his way to northern Italy, and then to Austria. While in Vienna, he began to study secret archives confiscated from various European Masonic lodges by the Germans.

One day in 1945, as Evola was walking the deserted streets of the Austrian capital during a Soviet air attack, a bomb exploded a few yards away from him. The blast threw him against a wooden plank. Evola fell on his back, and awoke in the hospital. He had suffered a compression of the bone marrow, paralyzing him from the waist down. Common sense tells one that walking a city's deserted streets during aerial bombardments is madness, if not suicide. But Evola was used to courting danger. Or, as he once put it, to follow "the norm of not avoiding dangers, but on the contrary, to seek them out, [i]s an implicit way of questioning fate."14 That is not to say that he believed in "blind" fate. As he once wrote: "There is no question that one is born with certain tendencies, vocations and pre-dispositions, which at times are very obvious and specific, though at other times are hidden and likely to emerge only in particular circumstances or trials. We all have a margin of freedom in regard to this innate, differentiated element." (15) Evola was determined to question his fate, especially at a time when an entire era was coming to an end.16 But what he had anticipated during the air raid was either death or the attainment of a new perspective on life, not paralysis. He struggled for a long time with that particular outcome, trying to make sense of his "karma": Remembering why I had willed it [i.e., the paralysis] and to understand its deeper meaning was to me the only thing that ultimately mattered, something far more important than to "recover," to which I never really attributed much importance anyway.(17) Evola had ventured outdoors during the air raid in order to test his fate, for he firmly believed in the Traditional, classical doctrine that all the major events that occur in our lives are not purely casual or the outcome of our efforts, but rather the deliberate result of a prenatal choice, something that has been willed by "us" before we were born. Three years prior to his paralysis, Evola wrote: "Life here on earth cannot be viewed as a coincidence. Moreover, it should not be regarded as something we can either accept or reject at will, nor as a reality that imposes itself on us, before which we can only remain passive, or display an attitude of obtuse resignation. Rather, what arises in some people is the sensation that earthly life is something to which, prior to our becoming terrestrial beings, we have committed ourselves, both as an adventure and as a mission or a chosen task, undertaking a whole set of problematic and tragic elements as well." (18) There followed a five-year period of inactivity. First, Evola spent a year and a half in a Vienna hospital. In 1948, thanks to the intervention of a friend with the International Red Cross, he was sent back to Italy. He stayed in a hospital in Bologna for at least another year, where he underwent an unsuccessful laminectomy (a surgical procedure in which part of a vertebra is removed in order to relieve pressure on the nerves of the spinal cord). Evola returned to his Roman residence in 1949, where he lived as an invalid for the next twenty-five years. While in Bologna, Evola was visited by his friend Clemente Rebora, a poet who became a Christian, and then a Catholic priest in the order of the Rosminian Fathers. After reading about their friendship in one of Evola's works, in 1997 I visited the headquarters of the order and asked to talk to the person in charge of Rebora's archives, in hopes of discovering a previously unknown correspondence between them. No correspondence surfaced, but the priest in charge of the archive was kind enough to give me a copy of a couple of letters Rebora wrote to a friend concerning Evola. The following summary of those letters is revealing of Evola's view of religion, and of Christianity in particular.(19) In 1949 a fellow priest, Goffredo Pistoni, solicited Rebora to visit Evola. Rebora asked permission of his provincial superior, and upon receiving it traveled from Rovereto to Evola's hospital in Bologna. Rebora was animated by the desire to see Evola embrace the Christian faith and intended to be a good witness of the gospel. In a letter to Pistoni, Rebora asked for his assistance so that he would not spoil the "most merciful ways of Infinite Love, and, if [my visit was to be] unhelpful, at least not [turn out to be] harmful." On March 20, 1949, Rebora wrote to his friend Pistoni on the letterhead of the Salesian Institute of Bologna: I have just returned from our Evola: we talked at great length and left each other in a brotherly mood, though I did not detect any visible change on his part which after all I could not expect. I have felt him to be like one yearning to "join the rest of the army," as he said himself, waiting to see what will happen to him. . . . I have sensed in him a thirst for the absolute, which nevertheless eludes Him who said: "Let anyone who is thirsty come to me and drink." (20) Rebora's frustration with Evola's unwillingness to abandon his views and embrace the Christian faith is evident in the comment with which he closes the first half of his letter: Let us pray that his previous books, which he is about to reprint, and a few new titles that will be published soon, may not chain him down, considering the success they have, and may not damage people's souls, leading them astray in the direction of a false spirituality, as they "follow false images of the Good." [Probably a quote from Dante's Divine Comedy. G.S.] Rebora concluded his letter on May 12, 1949, adding: Having returned to headquarters I am finally concluding this letter by telling you that a supernatural tenderness is growing in my heart for him. He [Evola] told me about an inner event that occurred to him during the bombing of Vienna, which, he added, is still mysterious to him, as he undergoes this present trial. On the contrary, I trust I am able to detect the providential and decisive meaning of this event for his soul. Rebora wrote again to Evola, asking him if he was willing to travel to Lourdes on a special train on which Rebora served as a spiritual director. Evola politely refused and the contact between the two eventually ended. Evola never converted to Christianity. In a 1935 letter written to a friend of his, Girolamo Comi, another poet who had become a Christian, Evola claimed: As far as I am concerned, in regard to the "conversion" that really matters, and not that which is based on feelings or on a religious faith, I have been all right since thirteen years ago [i.e., 1922, the transition year between the artistic and philosophical periods].(21) Guenon wrote to the convalescent Evola (22) suggesting that the latter had been the victim of a curse or magical spell cast by some powerful enemy. Evola replied that he considered that unlikely, for the circumstances to be summoned (e.g., the exact moment of the bomb's landing, the place where Evola happened to be at that moment), would have required too powerful a spell.

Mircea Eliade, the renowned historian of religion, who corresponded with Evola throughout his life, once remarked to one of his own students: "Evola was wounded in the third chakra and don't you find that significant?"23 Since the corresponding affective forces of the third chakra are anger, violence, and pride, one may wonder whether Eliade meant that the wound sustained by Evola could have had a purifying effect on the Italian thinker, or whether it was the consequence of his hubris. In any event, Evola rejected the idea that his paralysis was a sort of "punishment" for his "promethean" efforts in the spiritual domain. For the rest of his life he endured his condition with admirable stoicism, in rigorous coherence with his beliefs.(24) For the next two decades Evola received visitors, friends, and young people who regarded themselves his disciples. According to Gianfranco de Turris, who met him for the first time in 1967, one could sense that he was a "person of high caliber," though he did not show off or assume snobbish attitudes. Evola would wear a monocle and rest his cheek on a clenched fist, observing his visitor with curiosity. He did not like the idea of having "disciples," and jokingly referred to his admirers as "Evolomani" ("Evola maniacs". In not seeking to recruit followers, he was probably mindful of Buddha's injunction to proclaim the truth without attempting to persuade or dissuade: "One should know approval and one should know disapproval, and having known approval, having known disapproval, one should neither approve nor disapprove, one should simply teach dhamma." (25) Central Themes in Evola's Thought In Evola's literary production it is possible to single out three major themes, which are strictly interwoven and mutually dependent. These themes represent three facets of his philosophy of action. I have designated these themes with terms borrowed from ancient Greek. The first theme is xeniteia, a word that refers to the condition of living abroad, or of being absent from one's homeland. In Evola's works one can easily detect a sense of alienation, of not belonging to what he called the "modern world." According to ancient peoples, xeniteia was not an enviable condition. To live surrounded by barbarous people and customs, away from one's polis, when not the result of a personal choice was often the result of a judicial sentence. We may recall that exile was often meted out to undesirable elements of an ancient society, e.g., the short-lived practice of ostracism in ancient Athens; the fate that befell many ancient Romans, including the Stoic philosopher Seneca; the deportation of entire families or populations, etc.

Throughout his life, Evola never really "fit in." Whether during his artistic, philosophical, or esoteric phase, he always felt like a straggler, seeking to link up with "the rest of the `army.'" The modern world he denounced in his masterpiece, Revolt against the Modern World, took its revenge on him: at the end of the war he was surrounded by a world of ruins, isolated, avoided, and reviled. Yet he managed to retain a composed, dignified attitude and to continue in his self-appointed task of night-watchman. The second theme is apoliteia, or abstention from active participation in the construction of the human polis. Evola's recommendation was that while living in exile from the world of Tradition and from the Golden Age, one should avoid the encroaching embrace of the multitudes and refrain from active participation in ordinary human affairs. Apoliteia, according to Evola, refers essentially to an inner attitude of indifference and detachment, but it does not necessarily entail a practical abstention from politics, as long as one engages in it with a completely detached attitude: "Apoliteia is the inner, irrevocable distance from this society and its `values': it consists in not accepting being bound to society by any spiritual or moral bond."(26) This attitude is to be commended because, according to Evola, in this day and age there are no ideas, causes, and goals worthy of one's commitment. Finally, the third theme is autarkeia, or self-sufficiency. The quest for spiritual independence led Evola far away from the busy crossroads of human interaction, in order to explore and expound paths of perfection and of asceticism. He became a student of ancient esoteric and occult teachings on "liberation," and published his findings in several books and articles.

Xeniteia


The following words, spoken by the Benevolent Spirit to the Destructive Spirit in the Yasna, a Zoroastrian collection of hymns and prayers, may serve to characterize Evola's attitude toward the modern world: "Neither our thoughts, nor teachings, nor intentions, neither our preferences nor words, neither our actions nor conceptions nor our souls are in accord."(27) Throughout his entire life Evola lived in a consistent and coherent fashion that could be simplistically dismissed as intellectual snobbism or even misanthropy. But the reasons for Evola's rejection of the socio- political order in which lived must be sought elsewhere, namely in a well-articulated Weltanschauung, or worldview. To be sure, Evola's sense of estrangement from the society in which he lived was reciprocated. Anyone who refuses to recognize the legitimacy of "the System," or to participate in the life of a community which he does not recognize as his own, professing instead a higher allegiance to and citizenship in another land, world, or ideology, is bound to live like a metic in ancient Greece, surrounded by suspicion and hostility.(28) In order to understand the reasons for Evola's uncompromising attitude, we need first to define the concepts of "Tradition" and "modern world" as employed by Evola in his works. Generally speaking, the term tradition can be understood in several ways: (1) as an archetypal myth (some members of the political Right in Italy have rejected this view as an "incapacitating myth"; (2) as the way of life of a particular age, e.g., the Middle Ages, feudal Japan, the Roman Empire; (3) as the sum of three principles: "God, Country, Family"; (4) as anamnesis, or historical memory in general; and (5) as a body of religious teachings to be preserved and transmitted to future generations. Evola understood tradition mainly as an archetypal myth, that is, as the presence of the Absolute in specific historical and political forms. Evola's Absolute is not a religious principle or a noumenon, much less the God of theism, but rather a mysterious domain, or dunamis, power. Evola's Tradition is characterized by "Being" and stability, while the modern world is characterized by "Becoming." In the world of tradition stable socio- political institutions were in place. The world of Tradition, according to Evola, was exemplified by the ancient Roman, Greek, Indian, Chinese, and Japanese civilizations. These civilizations upheld a strict caste system; they were ruled by warrior nobilities and waged wars to expand the boundaries of their imperiums. In Evola's words: "The traditional world knew divine kingship. It knew the bridge between the two worlds, namely initiation. It knew the two great ways of approach to the transcendent, namely heroic action and contemplation. It knew the mediation, namely rites and faithfulness. It knew the social foundation, namely the traditional law and the caste system. And it knew the political earthly symbol, namely the empire." (29)

Evola claims that the traditional world's underlying belief was the "invisible": "It held that mere physical existence, or 'living,' is meaningless unless it approximates the higher world or that which is 'more than life,' and unless one's highest ambition consists in participating in hyperkosmia and in obtaining an active and final liberation from the bond represented by the human condition." (30)

Evola upheld a cyclical view of history, a philosophical and religious view with a rich cultural heritage. Though one may reject it, this view deserves as much respect as the linear view of history upheld by theism, to which I subscribe, or as the progressive view championed by Engels' "scientific materialism," or as the hopeful and optimistic view typical of various New Age movements, according to which the universe is undergoing a constant and irreversible spiritual evolution. According to the cyclical view of history espoused by Hinduism, which Evola adopted and modified to fit his views, we are living in the fourth age of a complete cycle, the so- called Kali-yuga, an era characterized by decadence and disruption. According to Evola, the most remarkable phases of this "Yuga" (era) included the emergence of pre-Socratic philosophy (characterized by rejection of myth and by overemphasis on reason); the birth of Christianity; the Renaissance; Humanism; the Protestant Reformation; the Enlightenment; the French Revolution; the European revolutions of 1848; the advent of the Industrial Revolution; and Bolshevism. Thus, the "modern world" for Evola did not begin in the 1600s, but rather in the fourth century B.C.

Evola and Eliade Evola's rejection of the modern world can be contrasted with its acceptance, promoted by Mircea Eliade (1907-1986), the renowned historian of religion whom Evola met in person several times, and with whom he corresponded until his death in 1974. The two men met for the first time in 1937. By that time, Eliade had compiled an impressive academic record that included a bachelor's degree in philosophy from the University of Bucharest and an M.A. and a Ph.D. in Sanskrit and Indian philosophy from the University of Calcutta. Evola was already an accomplished writer and had published some of his most important works, such as The Hermetic Tradition (1931), Revolt against the Modern World (1934), and The Mystery of the Grail (1937).(31)

Eliade had read Evola's early philosophical works during the 1920s and "admired his intelligence and, even more, the density and clarity of his prose."32 An intellectual friendship developed between the young Romanian scholar and the Italian philosopher, who was nine years Eliade's senior. Their common interest in yoga led Evola to write L'uomo e la potenza (Man as power) in 1926 (revised in 1949 with the new title The Yoga of Power 33) and Eliade to write the acclaimed scholarly work Yoga: Immortality and Freedom (1933). As Eliade recalls in his autobiographical journals: I received letters from him when I was in Calcutta (1928-31) in which he instantly begged me not to speak to him of yoga, or of "magical powers" except to report precise facts to which I had personally been a witness. In India I also received several publications from him, but I only remember a few issues of the journal Krur.(34)

Evola and Eliade's first meeting was in Romania, in conjunction with a luncheon hosted by the philosopher Nae Ionescu. Evola was traveling through Europe at the time, establishing contacts, and giving lectures "in the attempt to coordinate those elements who could represent, to some degree, the [T]raditional thought on the political- cultural plane."35 Eliade recalled the admiration that Evola expressed for Corneliu Codreanu (1899-1938), the founder of the Romanian nationalist and Christian movement known as the "Iron Guard." Evola and Codreanu had met the morning of the luncheon. Codreanu told Evola of the effects that incarceration had had on his soul, and of his discovery of contemplation in the solitude and silence of his prison cell. In his autobiography Evola described Codreanu as "one of the worthiest and most spiritually oriented persons I ever met in the nationalist movements of that period.(36) Eliade wrote that at the luncheon "Evola was still dazzled by him [Codreanu]. I vaguely remember the remarks he made then on the disappearance of contemplative disciplines in the political battle of the West."37 But the two scholars' focus was different indeed. As Eliade wrote in his journal: One day I received a rather bitter letter from him, in which he reproached me for never citing him, no more than did GuИnon. I answered him as best as I could, and I must one day give reasons and explanations that that response called for. My argument could not have been simpler. The books I write are intended for today's audience, and not for initiates. Unlike GuИnon and his emulators, I believe I have nothing to write that would be intended especially for them.(38)

I must conclude from Eliade's remarks that he did not like, share, or care for Evola's esoteric views and leanings. I believe there are three reasons for Eliade's aversion. First, Evola, like all traditionalists, presumed the existence of a higher, solar, royal, and esoteric primordial tradition, and devoted his life to describing, studying, and celebrating it in its many forms and varieties. He also set this tradition above and against what he dubbed "telluric" modern popular cultures and civilizations (such as Romania's, to which Eliade belonged). In Revolt against the Modern World one can read many instances of this juxtaposition. Eliade, for his part, rejected any emphasis on esotericism, because he thought it had a reductive effect on the human spirit. Eliade claimed that to limit the value of European spiritual creations exclusively to their "esoteric meanings" repeated in reverse the reductionism of the materialistic approach adopted by Marx and Freud. Nor did he believe in the existence of a primordial tradition: "I was suspicious of its artificial, ahistorical character," he wrote.39 Second, Eliade rejected the negative or pessimistic view of the world and the human condition that characterized Guenon's and Evola's thought. Unlike Evola, who believed in the ongoing "putrefaction" of contemporary Western culture, Eliade claimed: "[T]o the extent that I . . . believe in the creativity of the human spirit, I cannot despair: culture, even in a crepuscular era, is the only means of conveying certain values and of transmitting a certain spiritual message. In a new Noah's Ark, by means of which the spiritual creation of the West could be saved, it is not enough for RenИ GuИnon's L'esotИrisme de Dante to be included; there must be also the poetic, historic, and philosophical understanding of The Divine Comedy." (40)

Finally, the socio-cultural milieu that Eliade celebrated was very different from the one favored by Evola. As India regained its independence, Eliade came to believe that Asia was about to re-enter history and world politics and that his own people, the Romanians, "could fulfill a definite role in the coming dialogue between the [] West, Asia and cultures of the archaic folk type."(41) He celebrated the peasant roots of Romanian culture as they promoted universalism and pluralism, rather than nationalism and provincialism. Eliade wrote: "It seemed to me that I was beginning to discern elements of unity in all peasant cultures, from China and South-East Asia to the Mediterranean and Portugal. I was finding everywhere what I later called "cosmic religiosity": that is, the leading role played by symbols and images, the religious respect for earth and life, the belief that the sacred is manifested directly through the mystery of fecundity and cosmic repetition. . . ." (42)

These conclusions could not have been more diametrically opposed to Evola's views, especially as he formulated them in Revolt against the Modern World. According to the latter's doctrine, cosmic religiosity is an inferior and corrupt form of spirituality, or, as he called it, a "lunar spirituality" (the moon, unlike the sun, is not a source of light, and merely reflects the latter's light, as "lunar spirituality" is contingent upon God, the All, or upon any other metaphysical version of the Absolute) characterized by mystical abandonment. In his yet untranslated autobiography, Il cammino del cinabro ("The cinnabar's journey", Evola describes his spiritual and intellectual journey through alien landscapes: religious (Christianity, theism), philosophical (idealism, nihilism, realism), and political (democracy, Fascism, post-war Italy). For readers who are not familiar with Hermeticism, we may recall that cinnabar is a red metal representing rubedo, or redness, which is the third and final stage of one's inner transformation. Evola explains at the beginning of his autobiography: "My natural sense of detachment from what is human in regard to many things that, especially in the affective domain, are usually regarded as `normal,` was manifested in me at a very tender age."(43)

Autarkeia

Various religions and philosophies regard the human condition as highly problematic, likening it to a disease and setting forth a cure. This disease is characterized by many features, including a certain spiritual "heaviness," or gravitational pull, drawing us "downwards." Humans are prisoners of meaningless daily routines; of pernicious habits developed over years, e.g., drinking, smoking, gambling, workaholism, and sexual addictions, in response to external pressures; of an intellectual and spiritual laziness that prevents us from developing our powers and becoming living, vibrant beings; and of inconstancy, as is often painfully obvious from our everrenewed "New Year's resolutions." How often, when we commit ourselves to practice something on a daily basis over a period of time, does the day soon come that we forget, find an excuse to abandon our commitment, or simply quit! This is not merely inconsistency or a lack of perseverance on our part: it is a symptom of our inability to master ourselves and our lives.

Moreover, we are by nature unable to keep our minds focused on any object of meditation. We are easily distracted and bored. We spend our days talking about unimportant, meaningless details. Our conversations, for the most part, are not real dialogues, but rather exchanges of monologues. We are busy at jobs we do not care about, and earning a living is our utmost concern. We feel bored, empty, and sexually frustrated by our own or our partners' inability to deliver peak performance. We want more: more money, more leisure, more "toys," and more fulfillment, of which we get too little, too seldom. We succumb to all sorts of indulgences and petty pleasures to soothe our dull and wounded consciousness. And yet all these things are merely symptoms of the real problem that besets the human condition. Our real problem is not that we are deficient beings, but that we don't know how to be, and don't desire to be, different. We embrace everyday life and call it "the real thing," slowly but inexorably suffocating the yearning for transcendence buried deep within us.

In the end this proves to be our real undoing; we are not unlike smokers who, after being diagnosed with emphysema, keep on smoking to the bitter end. The problem is that we deny there is a problem. We are like a psychotic person who denies he is mentally ill, or like a sociopath who after committing a heinous crime insists that he really has a conscience, producing tears and remorse to prove it. In the past, movements like Pythagoreanism, Gnosticism, Manichaeism, Mandaeanism, and medieval Catharism claimed that the problem beleaguering human beings is the body itself, or physical matter, to be precise. These movements held that the soul or spirit is kept prisoner inside the cage of matter, waiting to be freed. (Evola rejected this interpretation as unsophisticated and as the product of a feminine and telluric worldview.)

Buddhism declared a "polluted" or "unenlightened mind" to be the real problem, developing in the course of the centuries a real science of the mind in an attempt to cure the disease at the roots. Christian theism identified the root of human suffering and evil in sin. As a remedy, Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy propose incorporation into the church through baptism and active participation in her liturgical life. Many Protestants advocate, instead, a living and personal relationship with Jesus Christ as one's Lord and Savior, to be cultivated through prayer, Bible studies, and church fellowship.

Evola regarded acceptance of the human condition as the real problem, and autarchy, or self-sufficiency, as the cure. According to the ancient Cynics, autarkeia is the ability to lead a satisfactory, full life with the least amount of material goods and pleasures. An autarchic being (the ideal man) is a person who is able to grow spiritually even in the absence of what others consider the necessities of life (e.g., health, wealth, and good human relationships). <...> Even the Epicureans, led though they were by a quest for pleasure, regarded autarkeia as a "great good, not with the aim of always getting by with little, but that if much is lacking, we may be satisfied with little."(44)

Evola endorsed the notion of autarkeia out of his rejection of the human condition and of the ordinary life that stems from it. Like Nietzsche before him, Evola claimed that the human condition and everyday life should not be embraced, but overcome: our worth lies in being a "project" (in Latin projectum, "to be cast forward". Thus, what truly matters for human beings is not who we are but what we can and should become. Humans are enlightened or unenlightened according to whether or not they grasp this basic metaphysical truth. It was not snobbism that led Evola to conclude that most human beings are "slaves" trapped in samsara like guinea pigs running on a wheel inside their cage. According to Evola, sharing this state, among those one encounters each day, are not only persons with low paying jobs, but also one's coworkers, family members, and especially persons without a formal education. This is of course difficult to acknowledge. Evola was consumed by a yearning for what the Germans call mehr als leben ("more than living", which is unavoidably frustrated by the contingencies of human existence. We read in a collection of Evola's essays on the subject of mountain climbing: At certain existential peaks, just as heat is transformed into light, life becomes free of itself; not in the sense of the death of individuality or some kind of mystical shipwreck, but in the sense of a transcendent affirmation of life, in which anxiety, endless craving, yearning and worrying, the quest for religious faith, human supports and goals, all give way to a dominating state of calm. There is something greater than life, within life itself, and not outside of it. This heroic experience is valuable and good in itself, whereas ordinary life is only driven by interests, external things and human conventions.(45)

According to Evola the human condition cannot and should not be embraced, but rather overcome. The cure does not consist in more money, more education, or moral uprightness, but in a radical and consistent commitment to pursue spiritual liberation. The past offers several examples of the distinction between an "ordinary" life and a "differentiated" life. The ancient Greeks referred to ordinary, material, physical life by the term bios, and used the term zoe to describe spiritual life. Buddhist and Hindu scriptures drew a distinction between samsara, or the life of needs, cravings, passions, and desires, and nirvana, a state, condition or extinction of suffering (dukka). Christian scriptures distinguish between the "life according to the flesh" and the "life according to the Spirit." The Stoics distinguish between a "life according to nature" and a life dominated by passions. Heidegger distinguished between authentic and inauthentic life.

Kierkegaard talked about the aesthetic life and the ethical life. Zoroastrians distinguished between Good and Evil. The Essenes divided mankind into two groups: the followers of the Truth and the followers of the Lie. The authors who first introduced Evola to the notions of self- sufficiency and of the "absolute individual" (an ideal, unattainable state) were Nietzsche and Carlo Michelstaedter. The latter was a twenty-three year old Jewish-Italian student who committed suicide in 1910, the day after completing his doctoral dissertation, which was first published in 1913 with the title La persuasione e la retorica (Persuasion and rhetoric).(46)

In his thesis, Michelstaedter claims that the human condition is dominated by remorse, melancholy, boredom, fear, anger, and suffering. Man's actions reveal that he is a passive being. Because he attributes value to things, man is also distracted by them or by their pursuit. Thus man seeks outside himself a stable reference point, but fails to find it, remaining the unfortunate prisoner of his illusory individuality. The two possible ways to live the human condition, according to Michelstaedter, are the way of Persuasion and the way of Rhetoric. Persuasion is an unachievable goal. It consists in achieving possession of oneself totally and unconditionally, and in no longer needing anything else. This amounts to having life in one's self. In Michelstaedter's words: The way of Persuasion, unlike a bus route, does not have signs that can be read, studied and communicated to others. However, we all have within ourselves the need to find that; we all must blaze our own trail because each one of us is alone and cannot expect any help from the outside. The way of Persuasion has only this stipulation: do not settle for what has been given you.(47)

On the contrary, the way of Rhetoric designates the palliatives or substitutes that man adopts in lieu of an authentic Persuasion. According to Evola, the path of Rhetoric is followed by "those who spurn an actual self-possession, leaning on other things, seeking other people, trusting in others to deliver them, according to a dark necessity and a ceaseless and indefinite yearning." (48) As Nietzsche wrote: "You crowd together with your neighbors and have beautiful words for it. But I tell you: Your love of your neighbor is your bad love of yourselves. You flee to your neighbor away from yourselves and would like to make a virtue of it: but I see through your selflessness. . . . I wish rather that you could not endure to be with any kind of neighbor or with your neighbor's neighbor; then you would have to create your friend and his overflowing heart of yourselves." (49)

The goal of autarchy appears throughout Evola's works. In his quest for this privileged condition, he expounded the paths blazed by various movements in the past, such as Tantrism, Buddhism, Mithraism, and Hermeticism. In the early 1920s, Decio Calvari, president of the Italian Independent Theosophical League, introduced Evola to the study of Tantrism. Soon Evola began a correspondence with the learned British orientalist and divulger of Tantrism, Sir John Woodroffe (who also wrote with the pseudonym of "Arthur Avalon", whose works and translations of Tantric texts he amply utilized. While RenИ GuИnon celebrated Vedanta as the quintessence of Hindu wisdom in his L'homme et son devenir selon le Vedanta (Man and his becoming according to the Vedanta) (1925), upholding the primacy of contemplation or of knowledge over action, Evola adopted a different perspective . Rejecting the view that spiritual authority is worthier than royal power, Evola wrote L'uomo come potenza (Man as power) in 1925. In the third revised edition (1949), the title was changed to Lo yoga della potenza (The yoga of power). (50) This book represents a link between his philosophical works and the rest of his literary production, which focuses on Traditional concerns.

The thesis of The Yoga of Power is that the spiritual and social conditions that characterize the Kali-yuga greatly decrease the effectiveness of purely intellectual, contemplative, and ritual paths. In this age of decadence, the only way open to those who seek the "great liberation" is one of resolute action. (51) Tantrism defined itself as a system based on practice, in which hatha-yoga and kundalini-yoga constitute the psychological and mental training of the followers of Tantrism in their quest for liberation. While criticizing an old Western prejudice according to which Oriental spiritualities are characterized by an escapist attitude (as opposed to those of the West, which allegedly promote vitalism, activism, and the will to power), Evola reaffirmed his belief in the primacy of action by outlining the path followed in Tantrism. Several decades later, a renowned member of the French Academy, Marguerite Yourcenar, paid homage to The Yoga of Power. She wrote of "the immense benefit that a receptive reader may gain from an exposition such as Evola's," (52) and concluded that "the study of The Yoga of Power is particularly beneficial in a time in which every form of discipline is naively discredited."(53)

But Evola's interest was not confined to yoga. In 1943 he wrote The Doctrine of the Awakening, dealing with the teachings of early Buddhism. He regarded Buddha's original message as an Aryan ascetic path meant for spiritual "warriors" seeking liberation from the conditioned world. In this book he emphasized the anti-theistic and anti-monistic insights of Buddha. Buddha taught that devotion to this or that god or goddess, ritualism, and study of the Vedas were not conducive to enlightenment, nor was experience of the identity of one's soul with the "cosmic All" named Brahman, since, according to Buddha, both "soul" and "Brahman" are figments of our deluded minds. In The Doctrine of the Awakening Evola meticulously outlines the four "jhanas," or meditative stages, that are experienced by a serious practitioner on the path leading to nirvana. Most of the sources Evola drew from are Italian and German translations of the Sutta Pitaka, that part of the ancient Pali canon of Buddhist scriptures in which Buddha's discourses are recorded. While extolling the purity and faithfulness of early Buddhism to Buddha's message, Evola characterized Mahayana Buddhism as a later deviation and corruption of Buddha's teachings, though he celebrated Zen (54) and the doctrine of emptiness (sunyata) as Mahayana's greatest achievements. In The Doctrine of the Awakening Evola extols the figure of the ahrat, one who has attained enlightenment. Such a person is free from the cycle of rebirth, having successfully overcome samsaric existence. The ahrat's achievement, according to Evola, can be compared to that of the jivan-mukti of Tantrism, of the Mithraic initiate, of the Gnostic sage, and of the Taoist "immortal".

This text was one of Evola's finest. Partly as a result of reading it, two British members of the OSS became Buddhist monks. The first was H. G. Musson, who also translated Evola's book from Italian into English. The second was Osbert Moore, who became a distinguished scholar of Pali, translating a number of Buddhist texts into English. On a personal note, I would like to add that Evola's Doctrine of Awakening sparked my interest in Buddhism, leading me to read the Sutta Pitaka, to seek the company of Theravada monks, and to practice meditation. In The Metaphysics of Sex (1958) Evola took issue with three views of human sexuality. The first is naturalism. According to naturalism the erotic life is conceived as an extension of animal instincts, or merely as a means to perpetuate the species. This view has recently been advocated by the anthropologist Desmond Morris, both in his books and in his documentary The Human Animal. The second view Evola called "bourgeois love": it is characterized by respectability and sanctified by marriage. The most important features of this type of sexuality are mutual commitment, love, feelings. The third view of sex is hedonism. Following this view, people seek pleasure as an end in itself. This type of sexuality is hopelessly closed to transcendent possibilities intrinsic to sexual intercourse, and thus not worthy of being pursued. Evola then went on to explain how sexual intercourse can become a path leading to spiritual achievements.

Apoliteia

In 1988 a passionate champion of free speech and democracy, the journalist and author I. F. Stone, wrote a provocative book entitled The Trial of Socrates. In his book Stone argued that Socrates, contrary to what Xenophon and Plato claimed in their accounts of the life of their beloved teacher, was not unjustly put to death by a corrupt and evil democratic regime. According to Stone, Socrates was guilty of several questionable attitudes that eventually brought about his own downfall.

First, Socrates personally refrained from, and discouraged others from pursuing, political involvement, in order to cultivate the "perfection of the soul." Stone finds this attitude reprehensible, since in a city all citizens have duties as well as rights. By failing to live up to his civic responsibilities, Socrates was guilty of "civic bankruptcy," especially during the dictatorship of the Thirty. At that time, instead of joining the opposition, Socrates maintained a passive attitude: "The most talkative man in Athens fell silent when his voice was most needed." (55) Next, Socrates idealized Sparta, had aristocratic and pro-monarchical views, and despised Athenian democracy, spending a great deal of time in denigrating the common man. Finally, Socrates might have been acquitted if only he had not antagonized his jury with his amused condescension and invoked the principle of free speech instead.

Evola resembles Socrates in the attitudes toward politics described by Stone. Evola too professed "apoliteia." (56) He discouraged people from passionate involvement in politics. He was never a member of a political party, refraining even from joining the Fascist party during its years in power. Because of that he was turned down when he tried to enlist in the army at the outbreak of the World War II, although he had volunteered to serve on the front. He also discouraged participation in the "agoric life." The ancient agora, or public square, was the place where free Athenians gathered to discuss politics, strike business deals, and cultivate social relationships. As Buddha said: "Indeed Ananda, it is not possible that a bikkhu [monk] who delights in company, who delights in society will ever enter upon and abide in either the deliverance of the mind that is temporary and delectable or in the deliverance of the mind that is perpetual and unshakeable. But it can be expected that when a bikkhu lives alone, withdrawn from society, he will enter upon and abide in the deliverance of mind that is temporal and delectable or in the deliverance of mind that is perpetual and unshakeable . . . . " (57)

Like Socrates, Evola celebrated the civic values, the spiritual and political achievements, and the metaphysical worth of ancient monarchies, warrior aristocracies, and traditional, non-democratic civilizations. He had nothing but contempt for the ignorance of ordinary people, for the rebellious masses, for the insignificant common man. Finally, like Socrates, Evola never appealed to such democratic values as "human rights," "freedom of speech," and "equality," and was "sentenced" to what the Germans call "death by silence." In other words, he was relegated to academic oblivion.

Evola's rejection of involvement in the socio-political arena must also be attributed to his philosophy of inequality. Norberto Bobbio, an Italian senator and professor emeritus of the philosophy department of the University of Turin, has written a small book entitled Right and Left: The Significance of a Political Distinction. (58) In it Bobbio, a committed leftist intellectual, attempts to identify the key element that differentiates the political Right from the Left (a dyad rendered in the non-ideological American political arena by the dichotomy "conservatives and liberal," or "mainstream and extremist". After discussing several objections to the contemporary relevance of the Right-Left dyad following the decline and fall of the major political ideologies, Bobbio concludes that the juxtaposition of Right and Left is still a legitimate and viable one, though one day it will run its course, like other famous dyads of the past: "patricians and plebeians" in ancient Rome, "Guelphs and Ghibellines" during the Middle Ages, and "Crown and Parliament" in seventeenth century England. At the end of his book Bobbio suggests that, "the main criterion to distinguish between Right and Left is the different attitude they have toward the ideal of equality." (59)

Thus, according to Bobbio, the views of Right and Left on "liberty" and "brotherhood" (the other two values in the French revolutionary trio) are not as discordant as their positions on equality. Bobbio explains: We may properly call "egalitarians" those who, while being aware that human beings are both equal and unequal, give more relevance, when judging them and recognizing their rights and duties, to that which makes them equal rather than to what makes them un-equal; and "inegalitarians," those who, starting from the same premise, give more importance to what makes them unequal rather than to what makes them equal. (60)

Evola, as a representative of the European Right, may be regarded as one of the leading antiegalitarian philosophers of the twentieth century. Evola's arguments transcend the age-old debate between those who claim that class, racial, educational, and gender differences between people are due to society's structural injustices, and those who, on the other hand, believe that these differences are genetic. According to Evola there are spiritual and ontological reasons that account for differences in people's lot in life. In Evola's writings the social dichotomy is between initiates and "higher beings" on the one hand, and hoi polloi on the other. The two works that best express Evola's apoliteia are Men among Ruins (1953) and Riding the Tiger (1961). In the former he expounds his views on the "organic" State, lamenting the emerging primacy of economics over politics in post-war Europe and America. Evola wrote this book to supply a point of reference for those who, having survived the war, did not hesitate to regard themselves as "reactionaries" deeply hostile to the emerging subversive intellectual and political forces that were re-shaping Europe: Again, we can see that the various facets of the contemporary social and political chaos are interrelated and that it is impossible to effectively contrast them other than by returning to the origins. To go back to the origins means, plain and simple, to reject everything that, in every domain, whether social, political and economic, is connected to the "immortal principles" of 1789 in the guise of libertarian, individualistic and egalitarian thought, and to oppose to it a hierarchical view. It is only in the context of such a view that the value and freedom of man as a person are not mere words or pretexts for a work of destruction and subversion. (61)

Evola encourages his readers to remain passive spectators in the ongoing process of Europe's reconstruction, and to seek their citizenship elsewhere: "The Idea, only the Idea must be our true homeland. It is not being born in the same country, speaking the same language or belonging to the same racial stock that matters; rather, sharing the same Idea must be the factor that unites us and differentiates us from everybody else." (62)

In Riding the Tiger, Evola outlines intellectual and existential strategies for coping with the modern world without being affected by it. The title is borrowed from a Chinese saying, and it suggests that a way to prevent a tiger from devouring us is to jump on its back and ride it without being thrown off. Evola argued that lack of involvement in the political and social construction of the human polis on the part of the "differentiated man" can be accompanied by a sense of sympathy toward those who, in various ways, live on the fringe of society, rejecting its dogmas and conventions.

The "differentiated person" feels like an outsider in this society and feels no moral obligation toward society's request that he joins what he regards as an absurd system. Such a person can understand not only those who live outside society's parameters, but even those who are set against such (a) society, or better, this society. (63) This is why, in his 1968 book L'arco e la clava (The bow and the club), Evola expressed some appreciation for the "beat generation" and the hippies, all the while arguing that they lacked a proper sense of transcendence as well as firm points of spiritual reference from which they could launch an effective inner, spiritual "revolt" against society.

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End Notes

1. For a good introduction to this movement and its ideas, William Quinn, The Only Tradition, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997.

2. The first of the Theosophical Society's three declared objectives was to promote the brotherhood of all men, regardless of race, creed, nationality, and caste.

3. Tomislav Sunic, Against Democracy and Equality: The European New Right, New York: Peter Lang, 1991; Ian B. Warren's interview with Alain de Benoist, "The European New Right: Defining and Defending Europe's Heritage," The Journal of Historical Review, Vol.13, no. 2, March-April 1994, pp. 28-37; and the special issue "The French New Right," Telos, Winter 1993-Spring 1994.

4. Martin Lee, The Beast Reawakens, Boston: Little, Brown, 1997.

5. Walter Laqueur, Fascism: Past, Present, Future, New York: Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 97-98. Despite his bad press in the U.S., Evola's works have been favorably reviewed by Joscelyn Godwin, "Evola: Prophet against Modernity," Gnosis Magazine, Summer 1996, pp. 64-65; and by Robin Waterfield, "Baron Julius Evola and the Hermetic Tradition," Gnosis Magazine, Winter 1990, pp. 12-17.

6. The first to write about Evola in this country was Thomas Sheehan, in "Myth and Violence: The Fascism of Julius Evola and Alain de Benoist," Social Research, Vol. 48, Spring 1981, pp. 45-73. See also Richard Drake, "Julius Evola and the Ideological Origins of the Radical Right in Contemporary Italy," in Peter Merkl (ed.), Political Violence and Terror: Motifs and Motivations, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986, pp. 61-89; "Julius Evola, Radical Fascism, and the Lateran Accords," The Catholic Historical Review, Vol. 74, 1988, pp. 403-19; and the chapter "The Children of the Sun," in The Revolutionary Mystique and Terrorism in Contemporary Italy, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989, pp. 116-134.

7. Philip Rees, in his Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right since 1890, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991, devotes a meager page and a half to Evola, and shamelessly concludes, without adducing a shred of evidence, that " Evolian-inspired violence result[ed] in the Bologna station bombing of 2 August 1980." Gianfranco De Turris, president of the Julius Evola Foundation in Rome and one of the leading Evola scholars, suggested that, in Evola's case, rather than "bad teacher" one ought to talk about "bad pupils." See his Elogio e difesa di Julius Evola: il barone e i terroristi, Rome: Edizioni Mediterranee, 1997, in which he debunks the unfounded charge that Evola was responsible either directly or indirectly for acts of terrorism committed in Italy.

8. See for instance Sheehan's convoluted article "Diventare Dio: Julius Evola and the Metaphysics of Fascism," Stanford Italian Review, Vol. 6, 1986, pp. 279-92, in which he tries to demonstrate that Nietzsche and Evola mirror each other. Sheehan should have rather spoken of an overcoming of Nietzsche's philosophy on the part of Evola. The latter rejected Nietzsche's notion of "Eternal Recurrence" as "nothing more than a myth"; his vitalism, because closed to transcendence and hopelessly immanentist; his "Will to Power" because: "Power in itself is amorphous and meaningless if it lacks the foundation of a given being, of an inner direction, of an essential unity" (Julius Evola, Cavalcare la tigre [Riding the tiger], Milan: Vanni Scheiwiller, 1971, p. 49); and, finally, Nietzsche's nihilism, which Evola denounced as a project that had been implemented half-way.

9. H.T. Hansen, a pseudonym adopted by T. Hakl, is an Austrian scholar who earned a law degree in 1970. He is a partner in the prestigious Swiss publishing house Ansata Verlag and one of the leading Evola scholars in German-speaking countries. Hakl has translated several works by Evola into German and supplied lengthy scholarly introductions to most of them.

10. See for instance the topics of a conference held in France on the occasion of the centenary of his birth: "Julius Evola 1898-1998: Eveil, destin et expИriences de terres spirituelles," on the web site http://perso.wanadoo.fr/collectif.ea/langues /anglais/acteesf.htm.

11. Marcello Veneziani, Julius Evola tra filosofia e tradizione, Rome: Ciarrapico Editore, 1984, p. 110.

12. This work has been translated into French and German. My translation of the first volume is scheduled to be published in December 2002 by Inner Traditions, with the title Introduction to Magic: Rituals and Practical Techniques for the Magus.

13. Marco Rossi, a leading Italian authority on Evola, wrote an article on Evola's alleged antidemocratic anti-Fascism in Storia contemporanea, Vol. 20, 1989, pp. 5-42.

14. Julius Evola, Il cammino del cinabro, Milan: Vanni Scheiwiller, 1972 , p. 162.

15. Julius Evola, Etica aria, Arian ethics, Rome: Europa srl, 1987, p. 28.

16. When Evola and a few friends came to the realization that the war was lost for the Axis, they began to draft plans for the creation of a "Movement for the Rebirth of Italy." This movement was supposed to organize a right-wing political party capable of stemming the post- war influence of the Left. Nothing came of it, though.

17. Julius Evola, Il Cammino del cinabro, p. 183.

18. Julius Evola, Etica aria, p. 24.

19. In the beginning of his autobiography Evola claimed that reading Nietzsche fostered his opposition to Christianity, a religion which never appealed to him. He felt theories of sin and redemption, divine love, and grace as "foreign" to his spirit.

20. Rebora was imprecisely quoting from memory a saying by Jesus found in John 7:37. The exact quote is "Let anyone who is thirsty come to me, and let the one who believes in me drink." (Revised Standard Version)

21. Julius Evola, Lettere di Julius Evola a Girolamo Comi, 1934-1962, Rome: Fondazione Julius Evola, 1987, p. 17. In 1922 Evola was on the brink of suicide. He had experimented with hallucinogenic drugs and was consumed by an intense desire for extinction. In a letter dated July 2, 1921, Evola wrote to his friend Tristan Tzara: "I am in such a state of inner exhaustion that even thinking and holding a pen requires an effort which I am not often capable of. I live in a state of atony and of immobile stupor, in which every activity and act of the will freeze. . . . Every action repulses me. I endure these feelings like a disease. Also, I am terrified at the thought of time ahead of me, which I do not know how to utilize. In all things I perceive a process of decomposition, as things collapse inwardly, turning into wind and sand." Lettere di Julius Evola a Tristan Tzara, 1919-1923, Rome: Julius Evola Foundation, 1991, p. 40. Evola was able to overcome this crisis after reading the Italian translation of the Buddhist text Majjhima-Nikayo, the so-called "middle length discourses of the Buddha." In one of his discourses Buddha taught the importance of detachment from one's sensory perceptions and feelings, including one's yearning for personal extinction.

22. For a brief account of their correspondence, see Julius Evola, RenИ GuИnon: A Teacher for Modern Times, trans. by Guido Stucco, Edmonds, WA: Holmes Publishing Group, 1994.

23. Joscelyn Godwin, Arktos: The Polar Myth in Science, Symbolism, and Nazi Survival, Grand Rapids, MI: Phanes Press, 1993, p. 61.

24. In two letters to Comi, Evola wrote: "From a spiritual point of view my situation doesn't mean more to me than a flat tire on my car"; and: "The small matter of my legs' condition has only put some limitations on some profane activities, while on the intellectual and spiritual planes I am still following the same path and upholding the same views," Lettere a Comi, pp. 18, 27.

25. The Middle Length Sayings, vol. III, trans. by I.B. Horner, London: Pali Text Society, 1959, p. 278.

26. Julius Evola, Cavalcare la tigre, p. 175.

27. Yuri Stoyanov, The Hidden Tradition in Europe, New York: Penguin, 1994, p. 8.

28. The Latin word hostis means both "guest" and "enemy." This is revealing of how ancient Romans regarded foreigners in general.

29. Julius Evola, Revolt against the Modern World, Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, 1995, p. 6. The first part of the book deals with the concepts noted in the extract cited. The second part of the book deals with the modern world.

30. Ibid.

31. All of these works have been translated and published in English by Inner Traditions.

32. Mircea Eliade, , Exile's Odyssey, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988, p. 152.

33. Julius Evola, The Yoga of Power, trans. by Guido Stucco, Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, 1992.

34. Mircea Eliade, Journal III, 1970-78, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989, p. 161.

35. Julius Evola, Il cammino del cinabro, p. 139.

36. Ibid.

37. Eliade, Journal III,1970-78, p. 162.

38. Ibid., pp. 162-63.

39. Mircea Eliade, Exile's Odyssey, pp. 152. See also Alain de Benoist and quote him at length.

40. Ibid. This criticism was reiterated by S. Nasr in an interview to the periodical Gnosis.

41. Mircea Eliade, Journey East, Journey West, San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1981-88, p. 204.

42. Eliade, Journey East, Journey West, p. 202.

43. Evola, Il cammino del cinabro, p. 12.

44. Epicurus, Letter to Menoeceus, p. 47.

45. Julius Evola, Meditations on the Peaks, trans. by Guido Stucco, Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, 1998, p. 5.

46. Carlo Michelstaedter, La persuasione e la retorica, Milan: Adelphi Edizioni, 1990.

47. Ibid., p. 104.

48. Il cammino del cinabro, p. 46.

49. F. Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra, trans. by R.J. Hollingdale, London: Penguin Books, 1969, p. 86.

50. Evola, The Yoga of Power, trans. by Guido Stucco, Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, 1992.

51. Evola would probably have liked Jesus' saying (Luke 16:16): "The law and the prophets lasted until John; but from then on the kingdom of God is proclaimed and everyone who enters does so with violence".

52. Marguerite Yourcenar, Le temps, ce grand sculpteur, Paris: Gallimard, 1983, p. 201.

53. Ibid., p. 204.

54. Julius Evola, The Doctrine of Awakening, Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions, 1995.

55. I. F. Stone, The Trial of Socrates, New York: Doubleday, 1988, p. 146.

56. Julius Evola, Cavalcare la tigre, pp. 174-78.

57. Mahajjima Nikayo, p. 122.

58. Norberto Bobbio, Destra e sinistra: ragioni e significati di una distinzione politica, Rome: Donzelli Editore, 1994. This book has been published in English as Left and Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction, Cambridge, England: Polity Press, 1996.

59. Ibid., p. 80.

60. Ibid., p. 74.

61. Julius Evola, Gli uomini e le rovine, Rome: Edizioni Settimo Sigillo, 1990, p. 64.

62. Ibid., p. 41.

63. Julius Evola, Cavalcare la tigre, p. 179.

The auspicious reception of EvolaТs works in the Islamic world probably dates back to the early 1990Тs, when the Muslim nationalist philosopher Gedjar Dzemal (1), founder of the Party for Islamic Renaissance, supplied the first channel on Russian television with a transmission devoted to Julius Evola.

In 1993, Revolt against the modern world was evoked, in an interview published in issue n.77 of У…lйments,Ф by another Muslim intellectual: the Algerian Rachid Benaissa, disciple and heir of that maоtre а penser of the УIslamic RenaissanceФ who was Malek Bennabi.

In 1994, due to the initiative of a professor in Islamic theology at the University of Marmara, Insan, a publisher from Istanbul, published a book titled Modern Dьnyaya Baзkaldпrп, namely the Turkish translation of Revolt against the modern world. The editorial presentation made express reference to Renй Guйnon, an author two works of whom appeared the same year in Turkish, The crisis of the modern world (Modern Dьnyanin Bunalimi, Agac, Istanbul) and The reign of quantity and the signs of the times (Niceligin egemenligi ve зagin alвmetleri, Iz, Istanbul).

If Julius EvolaТs name is not unknown in the Islamic world, what was EvolaТs breadth of knowledge of Islam?

The portrayal of Islam in Revolt against the modern world occupies but a few pages, but presents with sufficient depth the aspects of Islam that, from the Evolian perspective, allow it to be characterised as Уa tradition at a higher level than both Judaism and the religious beliefs that conquered the West,Ф (RMM 245) that is to say, Christianity.

In the first place, Evola points out that Islamic symbolism clearly indicates a direct connection of this tradition to the Primordial tradition itself, such that Islam is independent from both Judaism and Christianity, religions whose characteristic themes he rejects (original sin, redemption, sacerdotal meditation, etc.) Again in Revolt against the modern world one can read:

УAs in the case of priestly Judaism, the center in Islam also consisted of the Law and Tradition, regarded as the formative force, to which the Arab stocks of the origins provided a purer and nobler human material that was shaped by a warrior spirit. The Islamic law (shariah) is a divine law; its foundation, the Koran, is thought of as GodТs very own word (kalam Allah) as well as a nonhuman work and an Уuncreated bookФ that exists in heaven ab eterno. Although Islam considers itself the Уreligion of Abraham,Ф even to the point of attributing to him the foundation of the Kaaba (in which we find again the theme of the Уstone,Ф or the symbol of the УcenterФ), it is nevertheless true that (a) it claimed independence from both Judaism and Christianity; (b) the Kaaba, with its symbolism of the center, is a pre-Islamic location and has even older origins that cannot be dated accurately; (c) in the esoteric Islamic tradition, the main reference point is al-Khadir, a popular figure conceived as superior to and predating the biblical prophets (Koran 18:59-81). Islam rejects a theme found in Judaism and that in Christianity became the dogma of the basis of the mystery of the incarnation of the Logos; it retains, sensibly attenuated, the myth of AdamТs fall without building upon it the theme of Уoriginal sin.Ф In this doctrine Islam saw a Уdiabolical illusionФ (talbis Iblis) or the inverted theme of the fall of Satan (Iblis or Shaitan), which the Koran (18:48) attributed to his refusal, together with all the angels, to bow down before Adam. Islam also not only rejected the idea of a Redeemer or Saviour, which is so central in Christianity, but also the mediation of a priestly casteФ (RMM 244).

Absolute purity of the doctrine of Unity, exempt from every trace of anthropomorphism and polytheism, integration of every domain of existence in a ritual order, ascesis of action through jihad, ability to model a Уrace of the spiritФ: these are, respectively, the aspects in Islam that retain EvolaТs attention. He writes:

УBy conceiving of the Divine in terms of an absolute and pure monotheism, without a УSon,Ф a УFather,Ф or a УMother of God,Ф every person as a Muslim appears to respond directly to God and to be sanctified through the Law, which permeates and organizes life in a radically unitary way in all of its juridical, religious and social ramifications. In early Islam the only form of asceticism was action, that is, jihad, or Уholy warФ; this type of war, at least theoretically, should never be interrupted until the full consolidation of the divine Law has been achieved. It is precisely through the holy war, and not through preaching or missionary endeavour, that Islam came to enjoy a sudden, prodigious expansion, originating the empire of the Caliphs as well as forging a unity typical of a race of the spirit, namely, the umma or УIslamic nationФФ (RMM 244).

Finally, Islam, Evola points out, is a complete traditional form, in the sense that it is endowed with a living and operational esoterism that can provide those who possess the necessary qualifications the means to attain a spiritual realisation that goes beyond the exoteric goal of УsalvationФ:

УFinally, Islam presents a traditional completeness, since the shariah and the sunna, that is, the exoteric law and tradition, have their complement not in a vague mysticism, but in full-fledged initiatory organisations (turuq) that are characterised by an esoteric teaching (tawil) and by the metaphysical doctrine of the Supreme Identity (tawhid). In these organizations, and in general in the shia, the recurrent notions of the masum, of the double prerogative of the isma (doctrinal infallibility), and of the impossibility of being stained by any sin (which is the prerogative of the leaders, the visible and invisible Imams and, the mujtahid) lead back to the line of an unbroken race shaped by a tradition at a higher level than both Judaism and the religious beliefs that conquered the WestФ (RMM 244-245).

Of all these themes, the one to which Julius Evola, given his Уpersonal equationФ, is most directly receptive, is obviously the theme of action, sacralised action. EvolaТs gaze is thus fixed on the notion of jihad and on its double-application, in conformity to the famous hadith of the Prophet: УRaja'nв min al-jihвd al-aзghar ilв-l jihвd al akbar", that is to say: УYou have returned from a lesser struggle to the greater struggle;Ф or, if we prefer: Уfrom the lesser to the greater holy war.Ф That hadith, which provides the title for a chapter in Revolt against the modern world (УThe Greater and the Lesser Holy WarФ), is additionally commented by Evola:

УIn the Islamic tradition a distinction is made between two holy wars, the Уgreater holy warФ (el-jihadul-akbar) and the Уlesser holy warФ (el-jihadul-asghar). This distinction originated from a saying (hadith) of the Prophet, who on the way back from a military expedition said: УYou have returned from a lesser holy war to the greater holy war.Ф The greater holy war is of an inner spiritual nature; the other is the material war waged externally against an enemy population with the particular intent of bringing УinfidelФ populations under the territory of УGodТs LawФ (dar al-Islam). The relationship between the УgreaterФ and the Уlesser holy warФ , however, mirrors the relationship between the soul and the body; in order to understand the heroic asceticism or Уpath of action,Ф it is necessary to recognise the situation in which the two paths merge, Уthe lesser holy warФ becoming the means through which Уa greater holy war is carried out, and vice versa: the Уlittle holy war,Ф or the external one, becomes almost a ritual action that expresses and gives witness to the reality of the first. Originally, orthodox Islam conceived a unitary form of asceticism: that which is connected to the jihad or Уholy war.Ф

The Уgreater holy warФ is manТs struggle against the enemies he carries within. More exactly, it is the struggle of manТs higher principle against everything that is merely human in him, against his inferior nature and against chaotic impulses and all sorts of material attachmentsФ (RMM 118).

Elsewhere, Evola sees in the idea of jihad a Уlate rebirth of a primordial Aryan heritage,Ф such that Уthe Islamic tradition serves here as the transmitter of the Aryo-Iranian traditionФ (MW 96).

The Islamic doctrine of the lesser and of the greater Уholy warФ occupies in EvolaТs work a privileged position and acquires a paradigmatic value; it exemplifies, in fact, and represents the general conception that the world of Tradition attributes to the warrior experience, and, generally speaking, to action as a path to realisation. The teachings regarding the warrior action of various traditional milieus are thus considered in the light of their essential concurrence with the doctrine of jihad and are exposed through a notion that is also of Islamic derivation: the notion of УAllahТs wayФ (sabil Allah).

УIn the world of traditional warrior asceticism the Уlesser holy war,Ф namely, the external war, is indicated and even prescribed as the means to wage this Уgreater holy warФ; thus in Islam the expressions Уholy warФ (jihad) and УAllahТs wayФ are often used interchangeably. In this order of ideas action exercises the rigorous function and task of a sacrificial and purifying ritual. The external vicissitudes experienced during a military campaign cause the inner УenemyФ to emerge and to put up a fierce resistance and a good fight in the form of the animalistic instincts of self-preservation, fear, inertia, compassion, or other passions; those who engage in battles must overcome these feelings by the time they enter the battlefield if they wish to win and to defeat the out enemy of the Уinfidel.Ф

Obviously the spiritual orientation and the Уright intentionФ (niyya), that is, the one toward transcendence (the symbols employed to refer to transcendence are Уheaven,Ф Уparadise,Ф УAllahТs gardensФ and so on), are presupposed as the foundations of jihad, lest war lose its sacred character and degenerate into a wild affair in which true heroism is replaced with reckless abandonment and what counts are unleashed impulses of the animalistic natureФ (RMM 118-119).

Evola refers to an entire series of Koranic passages (from Luigi BonelliТs Italian translation, which he slightly modifies) related to the ideas of jihad and УAllahТs wayФ (RMM 119-120): 4:76; 47:4; 47:37; 47:38; 9:38; 9:52; 2:216; 9:88-89; 47:5-7. Moreover, he cites two maxims to illustrate these ideas: УParadise lies under the shade of the swordsФ and УThe blood of the heroes is closer to God than the ink of the philosophers and the prayers of the faithfulФ (RMM, 125; cf. DF, 308). However, if the former saying is effectively a hadith, the latter, extracted perhaps from some dubious Orientalist study, is poles apart with the hadith, cited by Suyuti in his Al-jamiТ al-saghir, which literally says: УOn the day of Last Judgment, the savantsТ ink will be weighed with the blood of martyrs, who gave their lives for the sake of Allah, and the ink will weigh heavier.Ф

Before passing on to the exegesis on the doctrine of Уholy warФ in non-Islamic traditional milieus (especially India and medieval Christendom), Evola makes an analogy between the death of the mujahid and the mors triomphalis of the Roman tradition (RMM 120); this theme is again taken up later, when the significance of УimmortalisationФ attributed to the warriorТs victory by certain European traditions is measured with Уthe Islamic idea according to which the warriors slain in a Сholy warТ (jihad) have never really diedФ (RMM 137). A Koranic verse is cited to illustrate this: УDo not say that those who were slain in the cause of Allah are dead; they are alive, although you are not aware of themФ (Koran 2:153). The specific parallel to this is also found in Plato (Republic, 468c), whom Evola cites: УAnd of those who are slain in the field, we shall say that all who fell with honour are of that golden race, who when they die, according to Hesiod, СDwell here on earth, pure spirits, beneficent, Guardians to shield us mortal men from harmТФ (RMM 137).


In Revolt against the modern world, another subject allows Evola to make certain references to the Islamic doctrine: that of the chapter УThe Law, the State, the EmpireФ. Noting that Уup to and including medieval civilisation, rebellion against authority and the imperial law was considered as serious a crime as religious heresy and that the rebels were considered just like heretics, namely, as free enemies of their own natures and as beings who contradict the law of their very own beingФ (RMM 21-22), Evola mentions an analogous concept in Islam and refers the reader to the 4th Koranic surat, v. III. Another link is then drawn between, on the one hand, the Romano-Byzantine concept that opposes law and the pax of the imperial ecumenism to the barbarianТs naturalism, while affirming the universality of its right, and, on the other hand, the Islamic doctrine, in which Evola notes can be found Уthe geographical distinction between Dar al-Islam, or СLand of Islam,Т ruled by divine laws, and Dar al-Harb, or СLand of War,Т the inhabitants of which must be brought into Dar al-Islam by means of jihad or Сholy warТФ (RMM 27).

In the same chapter, evoking the imperial function of Alexander the Great, conqueror of the peoples of Gog and Magog, Evola refers to the Koranic figure of Dhul-Qarnain, generally identified to Alexander, and to what is said in the 18th surat of the Koran (RMM 26).

-2-

The analogies existing between certain aspects of Islam and elements corresponding to other traditional forms are also mentioned in The Mystery of the Grail; but whereas Revolt against the modern world deals with purely doctrinal parallels Ц comparing to Islam traditional forms that never came in contact with the Islamic world Ц in the essay on the Уimperial Ghibelline idea,Ф the similarities between Islam and the Templars are, on the contrary, brought in the concrete historical framework of the relations maintained by representatives of Christian esotericism and Islamic esotericism. For instance, in the following passage:

УMoreover, the Templars were charged with keeping secret liaisons with Muslims and being closer to the Islamic faith than to the Christian one. This last charge is probably best understood by remembering that Islam too is characterised by the rejection of Christ worship. The Уsecret liaisonsФ allude to a perspective that is less sectarian, more universal, and thus more esoteric than that of militant Christianity. The Crusades, in which the Templars and in general the Ghibelline chivalry played a fundamental role, in many respects created a supra-traditional bridge West and East. The crusading knighthood ended up confronting a facsimile of itself, namely, warriors who abided by corresponding ethics, chivalrous customs, ideals of a Уholy war,Ф and initiatory currentsФ (MG 130-131).

This is followed by a summary description of what Evola inappropriately calls Уthe Arab Order of the IsmaelisФ, namely the heterodox movement that was closely linked to the Templars:

УThus the Templars were the Christian equivalent of the Arab Order of the Ismaelis, who likewise regarded themselves as the Уguardians of the Holy LandФ (in an esoteric and symbolic sense), and who had two hierarchies, one official and one secret. Such an order, which had a double character, both warrior and religious, almost met the same fate as that of the Templars, and for analogous reasons: its initiatory character and its upholding an esotericism that despised the literal meaning of the sacred scriptures. In Ismaeli esotericism we find again the same theme of the Ghibelline imperial saga: the Islamic dogma of the УresurrectionФ (kiyama) is here interpreted as the new manifestation of the Supreme Leader (Mahdi), who became invisible during the so-called period of УabsenceФ (ghayba). This is so because the Mahdi at one point disappeared, thus eluding death, leaving his followers under the obligation of swearing allegiance and obedience unto him as if he were Allah himselfФ (MG 131).

Islamic esotericism is defined by Evola as a doctrine that goes as far as Уrecognising in man the condition in which the Absolute becomes conscious of itself, and that professes the doctrine of Supreme IdentityФ (OO 212), such that Islam constitutes Уa clear and eloquent example of a system that, although including a strictly theistic domain, recognises a higher truth and path of realisation, the emotional and devotional elements, love and all the rest losing here (...) every УmoralФ signification, and every intrinsic value, acquiring only that of a technique among othersФ (OO 212).

Indeed, Islamic esotericism, in the teachings of its masters and its universe of notions and symbols, offers Evola bases and references of some importance. Regarding symbols and notions, it is imperative to highlight the importance attributed to the polar function in EvolaТs works. As he explains, in the УNear EastФ (to speak of the Islamic world would be more accurate), Уthe word qutb, СpoleТ, does not only designate the sovereign, but, more generally, he who dictates the law and is the head of tradition of a given historical period.Ф (R 50) (More precisely, the qutb, Уthe poleФ, represents the peak of the initiatic hierarchy). However, an entire chapter in Revolt against the modern world, the third of the first section, rests on the idea of this traditional function and makes use precisely of the terms УpoleФ and УpolarФ. What is strange is that that chapter contains no explicit reference to the Islamic tradition, although the names of Islamic esoteric masters such as Ibn СArabi, Hallaj, Rumi, Hafez, Ibn AtaТ, Ibn Farid, and Attar are mentioned in several works by Evola.

The first mention of Ibn СArabi, al-shaykh al-akbar (= doctor maximus), appears in an unsigned glossary to Introduction to Magic, but which is certainly due to Evola: the case of Ibn СArabi is cited to illustrate Уthe inversion of roles in relation to the state where, duality having been created, the divine image incarnating the superior I becomes to the mystic like a different beingФ (IaM, I, 71). To expand on this idea, Evola refers to the corresponding doctrine in Sufism:

It is interesting to note that in Islamic esoterism there is a specific term to indicate that change: shath, which literally means Уexchange of partsФ and expresses the level at which the mystic absorbs the divine image, feels it as himself and feels himself, instead, as something else, and speaks as a function of that image. There are, in fact, in Islam, certain Уsure signsФ by which to distinguish the objective shath from a mere illusionary feeling in a person (IaM, I, 71).

In addition, he recalls that Уthe end of Al-Hallaj, who is considered as one of the main masters of Islamic esotericism (Sufism),Ф was a consequence of his divulging the secret that is connected to the realisation of the highest condition. Evola returns to this point elsewhere in his work, writing:

УIn reality, if certain initiates with undoubted qualification were condemned and even at times killed (the most popular case being that of al-Hallaj in Islam), that is because they had ignored that rule (the rule of secrecy); it was therefore not a question of СheresyТ, but of practical and pragmatic reasons. According to one saying: УThe sage must not trouble with his wisdom the one who does not knowФ (AC 108).

The other brief allusion to Ibn СArabi found in Introduction to Magic is also due to Evola; in the text titled Esotericism and Christian mysticism and signed with the pseudonym СEaТ, he notes that what lacks in Christian asceticism, despite the discipline of silence, is Уthe practice of the most interiorised degree of this discipline, that does not only consist of putting an end to the spoken word, but also to thought (Ibn СArabiТs notion of Сnot speaking with oneselfТ)Ф (IaM, III, 281).

In Metaphysics of sex, having pointed out that Islam, Уlaw destined for the person engaged in the world, not for the asceticФ (MS 262), does not hold Уthe idea of sexuality as something blameworthy and obsceneФ (MS 256), such that prior to sexual congress with woman man pronounces the ritual formula УBismillah al-Rahman al-RahimФ (In the name of God, the All-Forgiving, the All-Merciful), Evola observes that Ibn СArabi Уgoes so far as to speak of a contemplation of God in woman, of a ritualisation of the sexual orgasm in conformity with metaphysical and theological valuesФ (MS 257).

That is followed by two long citations from Fusus al-hikam (The Seals of Wisdom), from Titus BurckhardtТs translation, followed by this conclusion:

УIn this Sufistic (sic, editorТs note) theology of love, one must see the amplification and the elevation to a more lucid conscience of the ritual world with which man from that civilisation has more or less distinctly assumed and experienced conjugal relationships in general, starting from the sanctification which the QurТanic Law confers to the sexual act in not only a monogamist, but also polygamist structure. Whence derives the special meaning which procreation can acquire, understood precisely as the administration of the prolongation of the divine creating force existing within manФ (MS 258).

Another passage of Fusus-al-hikam serves to illustrate, in Metaphysics of sex, the Уkey to Islamic techniqueФ (MS 349), which consists of assuming Уthe dissolution through womanФ as a symbol of the extinction in Divinity. Related to the same order of ideas is the significance of GallusТ (pseud. of Enrico Galli Angelini) УExperience among the ArabsФ, a text in Introduction to Magic from which Evola cites some certain extracts related to the Уorgiastic practices for mystical ends (...) attested (...) in the Arabo-Persian worldФ (MS 372).

In what Jalal ad-Din Rumi had to say on dance (УHe who knows the power of the dance of life does not fear death, because he knows that love killsФ) (MS 128), Evola distinguishes another УkeyФ of Islamic initiatic techniques, Уthe key to the practices of a chain or school of Islamic mysticism that has been transmitted for centuries and which considers Jalal ad-Din Rumi as its masterФ (MS 370).

In Arabo-Persian Sufi poetry, known to Evola through M.M. MorenoТs Antologia della mistica arabo-persiana (Laterza, Bari 1951), he discerns themes of a certain relevance to his Уmetaphysics of sexФ: for instance, in applying masculine symbolism to the initiateТs soul, such that, as he writes, Уdivinity (...) is considered as a woman: she is not the Уcelestial brideФ, but the УBelovedФ or the УLoverФ. That is, for instance, the case in Attar, Ibn Farid, Gelaleddin el-Rumi, etcФ (MS 293 footnote 1).

In Sufi poetry, Evola also finds the idea of love as a Уforce that killsФ the individual self, an idea which he traces in Rumi (MS 108-109 and 345) and Ibn Farid (MS 288).

An entire glossary in Introduction to Magic, which we think can be attributed to Evola, is dedicated to a characteristically Sufi technique, the dhikr. The correspondence between this Islamic technique, the Hindu mantra and the repetition of sacred names practised in Hesychasm is particularly underscored (IaM, I, 396-397). The glossary also mentions Al-Ghazzali, citing him in other pages that are surely attributable to Evola (IaM, II, 135-136 and 239).

Even more fruitful was EvolaТs encounter with Islamic Hermeticism: in fact, of all Muslim authors, the one most often cited by Evola is Geber, that is Jabir ibn Hayyan. Regarding the role played by the Islamic Hermetists, Evola writes:

УBetween the seventh and twelfth centuries it was known among the Arabs, who became the instruments of the revival, in the medieval West, of the older legacy of the pre-Christian wisdom traditionФ (MG 150).

In his special study on Hermetic tradition, Evola uses a very large number of citations taken from Islamic texts compiled by Barthelot and Manget. As we have said, he privileges Geber: but if we consider the mass of GeberТs corpus, this is not surprising; Razi is also mentioned and a number of anonymous books are cited, of which the famous Turba Philosophorum, translated into Italian in the second volume of Introduction to Magic. About the Turba Philosophorum, Evola says that it is Уone of the oldest of western hermetic-alchemical textsФ (HT 8); in reality, in 1931, the year the first edition of The Hermetic Tradition was published, J. Ruska indisputably demonstrated the Arabic origin of the text in question.


-3-

As is known, a large part of EvolaТs work is based on certain traditional teachings that were made widely accessible by the writings of Renй Guйnon. Evola thus owed a great deal to the latterТs works, from which he took up concepts and adapted them to his own Уpersonal equationФ. Even so, given GuйnonТs belonging to Islam and the Islamic derivation of certain fundamental teachings in his work, it would not be irrelevant to consider what Evola wrote about GuйnonТs integration in the Islamic tradition:

УGuйnon was convinced that certain depositaries of Tradition still survived, despite everything, in the East. Practically speaking, he had firsthand contacts with the Islamic world where initiatic chains (Sufi and Ismaeli) continued to exist parallel to the exoteric (i.e. religious) tradition. He then УIslamisedФ completely. Having settled in Egypt, he received the name of Sheikh Abdel Wahid Yasha (sic, editorТs note) and also the Egyptian nationality. He had a second marriage to an ArabФ (R 210).

УIn GuйnonТs case, this (initiatic) connecting must have been realised Ц as weТve said before Ц through Islamic initiatic Уchains.Ф But to people who do not want to turn themselves into Muslims and Orientals, GuйnonТs personal path has very little to offerФ (R 212).

УGuйnonТs caseФ therefore made Evola admit that there still exist, despite everything, possibilities of initiatic connection; furthermore, Evola affirms that, given the present conditions, the choice of Islam is practically necessary for those who are not satisfied with mere theory.

УWe can also mention an Islamic report proper to the Ismaeli initiatic current, more precisely to that of the so-called УTwelve-Imam.Ф The Imam, the supreme chief of the Order, manifestation of a superior power and the highest initiator, went into Уoccultation.Ф His reappearance is awaited, but the present epoch is that of his Уabsence.Ф

УIn our opinion, this does not mean that initiatic centres, strictly speaking, no longer exist. It is certain that some still exist, even if the West is not concerned here and that one would have to turn to the Islamic world and the EastФ (AC 227).

We take this opportunity to note that Evola probably mistook the Twelver-Imam ShiТa movement as a particular branch of the Ismaeli movement, and such an oversight would be truly excessive, especially coming from an УinsiderФ. In the same way, Evola seems to think that the Imam is Уthe supreme chief of the OrderФ as much in the Ismaeli perspective as in that of the Уso-called Twelver-ImamФ; and this would also be a significant inaccuracy, since for the Twelver-Imam ShiТa, the Imam, as a successor of the Prophet, is not only the supreme chief of an Order, but of the entire community.

Nonetheless, that is of importance here. What matters, rather, is that according to Evola an initiatic connection in the present epoch is still possible, provided one turns Уto the Islamic world and the East.Ф

In the same context, Evola raises a problem regarding the relationship existing between initiatic centres and the course of history:

УThe course of history is generally interpreted as an involution and dissolution. But what is the position of initiatic centres with respect to the forces that operate in that direction?Ф (AC 228)

This problem obviously implies Islam, as Evola writes:

УFor instance, though it is certain that initiatic organisations exist in the Islamic world (those of the Sufis), their presence has been far from stopping the УevolutionФ of Arab countries in an anti-traditional, progressist, and modernist direction, with all its inevitable consequencesФ (AC 228).

This question was raised by Evola as part of an exchange of ideas with Titus Burckhardt (1), a well-known Swiss scholar who had associated with Islamic esotericism and resided in an Islamic country, and who, with full knowledge of the facts, Уhad remarked that possibilities of this type (that is to say, of an initiatic connection) survived in non-European regionsФ (CC 204). We do not know if, and how, the Swiss writer replied to EvolaТs objections; in any case, it may be said, first of all, that the УArab countriesФ, with which Evola seems to identify the Уland of IslamФ, in reality constitute but one tenth of the Islamic world, and therefore that it would not be accurate to make their УevolutionФ coincide with the development of the general condition of the Islamic ummah. Secondly Ц and, today, we are in a better position to observe this than during EvolaТs time Ц an УIslamic awakeningФ that has been taking ground in some Arab countries seems to be announcing a radical change of orientation. Finally, even when the У(Sufi) initiatic centresФ do not oppose, by their action, the process of general involution, it is not justified to claim that their function is illusionary (2). In fact, connection to initiatic centres Ц from which proceeds every regular transmission of spiritual influences Ц constitutes the only possible solution for whoever considers reacting to the degenerative course of the modern world: an unavoidable course, since it is bound to the precise cyclic laws that govern manifestation. It is the function of connection to an initiatic centre Ц and through it to the supreme centre Ц to ensure the continuity of transmission of spiritual influences for the entire period of the present human cycle, and thus to allow participation to the Spirit realm until the closure of the cycle. From such a perspective, the involution process appears as illusionary: in fact, it concerns but manifestation Ц which, given its fundamentally contingent character, represents absolutely nothing with respect to the Absolute.


(1) СIl cammino del cinabroТ was published in 1963. The Уexchange of ideasФ with Burckhardt thus necessarily dates back earlier than 1963.

(2) Evola, in fact, wrote exactly: УThe realistic point of view which I thought necessary to assume in СRide the TigerТ led me, eventually, to some polemical exchanges with milieus which still delude themselves about the possibilities offered by the Уtraditional residuesФ existing in the world todayФ (CC 203).


Abbreviations of the works by Julius Evola cited in the text:

AC = LТarco e la clava (Milano, Scheiwiller, 1971)
CC = Il cammino del cinabro (Scheiwiller, Milano, 1963)
HM = The Hermetic Tradition (Inner Traditions, Vermont, 1994)
IaM = Introduzione alla Magia, a cura del Gruppo di Ur. (Mediterrane, Roma, 1971)
MG = The Mystery of the Grail (Inner Traditions, Vermont, 1997)
MS = Metafisica del sesso (Edizioni Mediterranee, Roma 1969)
MW = Metaphysics of War (Integral Tradition Publishing, 2007)
OO = Oriente e Occidente (La Queste, Milano, 1984)
R = Ricognizioni. Uomini e problemi (Mediterrane, Roma, 1974)
RMM = Revolt against the Modern World (Inner Traditions, Vermont, 1995)